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PREFACE

The Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) consists of 13 sub-projects for irrigation and energy purposes, 7 in the Euphrates basin and 6 in the Tigris basin. As a field, encompasses GAP the lower reaches of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, and the upper reaches of the Mesopotamian plains between them. GAP envisages the construction of 22 dams and 17 hydroelectric power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and their tributaries. Some of the sub-projects are further divided into two branches: one for irrigation and one for energy production. According to the State Hydraulic Works (DSİ) data from 1988, when the entire project is completed, approximately 1,693,027 hectares of land will be irrigable; 27.346 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity will be generated before irrigation, and 23 billion kilowatt-hours after irrigation. The project's energy production will have an installed capacity of approximately 7,500 megawatts. Figures regarding total energy production and irrigation capacity vary even in different studies conducted by DSİ itself.

GAP is presented by official spokespersons of the Republic of Turkey as a project to overcome the "misfortunate fate" of the Kurdish people. However, it is impossible to separate GAP from the general institutionalizations of the Republic of Turkey in our country, and from the dirty war systematically waged against our people. For keeping keep the chains of slavery around the necks of our people in place for a longer time, the Republic of Turkey has established some important institutions, especially in recent years. While previously existing institutions were reorganized, new ones were added alongside them. The Regional Governorship, Special Army, Special Team, Village Guards, a wide network of informants and collaborators, GAP, GAP Development Administration, GAP-TV and similar institutions are all parts of a holistic policy. If the problem is not addressed within this framework, it will be incomprehensible why a state that burns villages and forests under the pretext of security, attempts to depopulate some regions and resorts to on-the-spot executions, would not work towards the development of the society composed of those same people, and why it would not give due importance to the human and environmental dimensions of its projects.

This multifaceted approach to the GAP project constitutes the main subject of this research. Circles with one connection or another to the official ideology, primarily the Republic of Turkey, cannot stop praising the "miracles" that the GAP will achieve, while concealing the fundamental understanding that characterizes the projects. Undoubtedly, what should be opposed is not the dams and tunnels themselves, nor the employment-generating economic infrastructure investments that will accompany them (provided they are compatible with the natural, historical, and cultural environment). To oppose the GAP in this respect would be like opposing factories because they lead to exploitation or opposing technological advancements because they "lead to unemployment." However, this aspect is not what gives the GAP its character today. What needs to be opposed is the current function of the GAP, namely its multifaceted character of plunder and excessive exploitation; it is the traditional understanding that plans the GAP more for Turkey than for our country Kurdistan.

In this research, my main focus is primarily on the realities that the spokespeople of the official ideology want to hide some of the fundamental functions of the GAP in this area. To better understand the GAP from this perspective, in addition to the region's population, migration and labour force structure, the well-known "unfortunate fate" of the Kurdish people, which the GAP hypocritically claims will be overcomed. Some of its causes and some noteworthy consequences are also discussed in general terms in this study. To better understand what GAP will truly bring and take away and to realize that it is fundamentally a tool for plunder and extreme exploitation rather than development, the issues covered in this study need to be evaluated as a whole.

While this research was in its final stages, I was detained by the Turkish police on June 17, 1990, in Istanbul for my democratic struggle for the national and democratic rights of the Kurds. After severe torture in Istanbul and later in Diyarbakır, I was imprisoned in Diyarbakır Prison for several months and released in October 1990. However, despite all my and my lawyers' objections, the police did not return the manuscript of this book on the GAP that had been confiscated in Istanbul. Therefore, after leaving Diyarbakır Prison, I was forced to, in a sense, burn this research book again.

I offer my sincerest thanks to all my friends who shared their views and suggestions during this painful research process for their valuable contributions. I hope that more comprehensive scientific research on the GAP will be conducted.

Osman Aytar

November 1991